"Missing Prices": Half of the CPI Is Based on Imputations
Summary
Policymakers and analysts involved in the lively debate on the future path of inflation need to consider whether the government statistical agencies have the tools or information to provide an accurate general inflation assessment. [...]
Policymakers and analysts involved in the lively debate on the future path of inflation need to consider whether the government statistical agencies have the tools or information to provide an accurate general inflation assessment. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), half of the data comprised in the consumer price index (CPI) was "imputed" in the past year.
Reported inflation can be whatever you want it to be. Still, it needs to be measuring what policymakers believe it is for it to be appropriate as a monetary policy tool. Price mismeasurement is a policy problem and perhaps soon a credibility problem for policymakers, as "missing prices" make inflation-targeting a meaningless policy tool.
CPI---"Missing Prices"
Since the pandemic, the standard practice of personal visits, which historically accounted for three-fourths of price quotes, was temporarily discontinued. Instead, price data was obtained entirely from online sources or through telephone interviews.
According to BLS, the change in data gathering practices has significantly lowered consumer price response rates. For example, the scale of uncollected prices for non-shelter goods and services ran between twenty and thirty-five percent in the past year, more than twice the average. Shelter prices for homeowners, which account for one-fourth of the price index, are regularly "imputed" each month. Taken together, that means price "imputations" and not actual transaction prices have accounted for more than half of the CPI index for the past year.
Price imputations have always been a controversial issue. Government statisticians have used "imputed" prices for things like owner housing since it was conceptually estimating a cost-of-living index and not a standard price index. However, the inclusion of "price imputations" creates ambiguity and subjectivity, lessening its use as a market-based inflation index and a policy tool.
The pandemic has magnified the issue of price imputations. The measurement of owner housing has become more absurd. In the past year, all of the rent data was collected by telephone, far above the two-thirds average. Also, roughly thirty-five percent of rents every month were uncollected. While that sounds high, and it is, before the pandemic uncollected rent response rates ran consistently in the high twenties.
During the pandemic, a record number of rents were unpaid. Still, data collectors classified due rents as fully paid if the landlord "expect payment in full, regardless of when."
With no proof of current or future payment, word-of-mouth rents are included in the CPI to estimate primary residence rents and implied rents for owner housing. But house prices based on actual transactions, with proof of payment, are not. Reported inflation can be whatever you want it to be, but excluding house prices makes it meaningless.
The monetary policy oxymoron; price stability drives its decisions but reported price indexes do not offer a stable or steady flow of actual prices. They are replete with " missing" and "imputed" prices.
In the past few decades, changes in measurement practices coupled with "missing prices" have resulted in the "noise" of inflation being louder than the "signal" (i.e., reported inflation). Policies that follow the noise can preempt inflation cycles and awful economic outcomes, but targeting the signal can't. During the housing bubble, the Fed ignored the "noise" and followed the "signal." Will history repeat?
Viewpoint commentaries are the opinions of the author and do not reflect the views of Haver Analytics.Joseph G. Carson
AuthorMore in Author Profile »Joseph G. Carson, Former Director of Global Economic Research, Alliance Bernstein. Joseph G. Carson joined Alliance Bernstein in 2001. He oversaw the Economic Analysis team for Alliance Bernstein Fixed Income and has primary responsibility for the economic and interest-rate analysis of the US. Previously, Carson was chief economist of the Americas for UBS Warburg, where he was primarily responsible for forecasting the US economy and interest rates. From 1996 to 1999, he was chief US economist at Deutsche Bank. While there, Carson was named to the Institutional Investor All-Star Team for Fixed Income and ranked as one of Best Analysts and Economists by The Global Investor Fixed Income Survey. He began his professional career in 1977 as a staff economist for the chief economist’s office in the US Department of Commerce, where he was designated the department’s representative at the Council on Wage and Price Stability during President Carter’s voluntary wage and price guidelines program. In 1979, Carson joined General Motors as an analyst. He held a variety of roles at GM, including chief forecaster for North America and chief analyst in charge of production recommendations for the Truck Group. From 1981 to 1986, Carson served as vice president and senior economist for the Capital Markets Economics Group at Merrill Lynch. In 1986, he joined Chemical Bank; he later became its chief economist. From 1992 to 1996, Carson served as chief economist at Dean Witter, where he sat on the investment-policy and stock-selection committees. He received his BA and MA from Youngstown State University and did his PhD coursework at George Washington University. Honorary Doctorate Degree, Business Administration Youngstown State University 2016. Location: New York.