Haver Analytics
Haver Analytics

Viewpoints

The persistently stronger growth of the U.S. economy relative to most other advanced nations has been the driving factor that has resulted in a stronger stock market with higher valuations, higher interest rates and a strong US dollar. A handful of charts highlight the sizable differences in economic and financial market performance across nations. Nothing is permanent, and things—particularly shifts in economic policies--can initiate sizable changes in trends. As we assess shifts in economic policies and central bank monetary policies, it’s important to keep in mind the economic fundamentals that drive financial markets.

Real growth comparisons. Chart 1 shows the cumulative percent change in real GDP since 2000 in the U.S., UK, Europe and Japan. In general, the faster growth in the U.S. reflects a combination of healthier gains in labor force and productivity. Real GDP growth in the UK matched the U.S.’s pace from 2000-2008, while Europe nearly kept pace, benefiting from the boom in global trade fueled by the China super-cycle. While the decade following the Great Financial Crisis was lackluster in the U.S., it was markedly slower elsewhere, particularly in Europe, which was hampered with ongoing financial crises during 2010-2014.

Chart 2 shows the same data but indexes real GDP to 2019Q4, which highlights the U.S.’s continued healthy growth following the pandemic-related contraction in the first half of 2020, while growth in Japan, the UK and Europe has been particularly weak. The persistent outperformance of the U.S. economy is sizable.

Has the traditional business cycle become obsolete? Not entirely, but major substantial changes in monetary policies and in the methods for calculating price measurement statistics, have altered the manner in which business cycles end. Business cycles consist of two components: an economic cycle and a financial cycle. Changes in policy and price measurement have shifted the pressures and excesses of the business cycle from the economy to the financial sector. In other words, high P/E ratios have taken the place of high CPI figures.

What Causes the Ups and Downs of a Business Cycles?

Some analysts and academics argue that the traditional business cycle characterized by increasing inflation and interest rates that eventually leads to an end of the cycle no longer exists. This perspective is somewhat supported when comparing business cycles before 1990 with those after.

For instance, since 1990, every business cycle has concluded with relatively low headline and core inflation. In contrast, from 1960 to 1990, business cycles ended with inflation rates of at least 5%, sometimes reaching double digits, with official rates significantly exceeding reported inflation.

However, to assess whether the traditional business cycle is now obsolete, it is crucial to first ascertain if the expansion and recession phases are influenced by government fiscal and monetary policies, developments in financial markets, or an exogenous shock. (Note: The business cycle that ended in 2020 was initiated by an unforeseen event, the pandemic, unlike the recessions of 2000 and 2007. However, in all three instances, both headline and core inflation were relatively low).

Essentially, significant technological advancements and globalization from the mid-1990s and beyond have decreased business cycle volatility, limiting or postponing price pressures that previously would have arisen during a typical business cycle. However, there are other factors at work as well.

During the mid-1990s, the approach to conducting monetary policy shifted from focusing on money and credit growth to targeting real interest rates. Most financial market analysts, myself included, did not initially see this shift in monetary policy as a major transformation. However, it turned into one when the BLS altered its method of measuring consumer prices in 1998.

In the late 1990s, the BLS stopped surveying the owner-occupied housing market to estimate owners' equivalent rent and began using data from the primary rental market, despite the fact that these two housing markets are influenced by different factors and frequently exhibit significantly different supply and demand patterns. At the same time, non-housing financing costs were removed from the CPI, continuing the previous exclusion of housing financing costs in the 1980s.

At that time, participants in the financial market did not consider these changes in price measurement to be significant. However, they were extremely important. During the housing bubble of the early 2000s, while housing prices experienced double-digit increases, the CPI indicated housing cost increases of only 2% to 4%. If the BLS had not implemented the measurement changes in the late 1990s, reported inflation would have been easily double what was reported.

(Note: The BLS excluded housing prices from the CPI in 1983, but continued to survey owner-occupied housing to estimate the implied rent for homeowners, maintaining a direct connection between housing inflation and increases in owners' rent. This connection was severed with the measurement changes in 1998).

The removal of non-mortgage interest costs also had a big impact on reported inflation. A joint research project by economists from Harvard and MIT found that the CPI from 2021 to 2023 would have been twice as high if consumer financing costs for were still included in price measurement.

Still, altering the methods for measuring prices had notable economic and financial impacts. Indeed, the revised CPI measure exhibits significantly less cyclicality, leading the Fed to aim for lower nominal and real interest rates than it would have if the BLS had not made these adjustments. This has led to considerably higher P/E ratios since 2000.

Economic downturns can stem from asset markets, as shown by the stock market crashes in 2000 and 2007, followed by recessions. The S&P 500 is trading at 22 times the projected earnings for 2025, and even higher compared to free cash flow projections. Other market indicators, such as the price-to-sales ratio, are also exceptionally high.

Therefore, the equity market is susceptible, particularly to an additional increase in market interest rates. Historically, the risk of recession increases when the yield on the 10-year Treasury surpasses the growth in Nominal GDP. According to current figures, there is merely a positive spread of 20 basis points with GDP outpacing the yield on the 10-year Treasury. However, current yields might still be too high given the lofty levels of the equity market.

However, the primary threat to the equity market and the economy lies in the fiscal strategies of the new administration. With the existing budget approaching $2 trillion, it is not financially viable to make the 2017 tax cuts permanent, as they are estimated to cost $4 trillion over the next decade, along with introducing further federal tax cuts. Even if the new Administration succeeds in reducing federal spending, it will not be significant enough to offset both past and new tax cuts, resulting in a budget deficit as large or larger than the current one.

More than three decades ago, President Bill Clinton shifted from his new economic agenda, which featured a middle-class tax cut, to a deficit-reduction strategy in response to the threat of increasing interest rates. At that time, the US was dealing with projected budget deficits ranging from $300 to $400 billion, compared to today's deficits exceeding $2 trillion.

Should the Trump economic team ignore the lessons from 2000, 2007, or even 1993, there is a genuine risk of a significant increase in interest rates. Market interest rates have previously impacted the fiscal strategies of a new president, and they have the potential to do so again, if not, the risk of financial chaos will increase.

A soft landing has been achieved, and the world economy is in the expansion phase of the business cycle. There will be greater geopolitical and pollical stability. However it is important to understand the headwinds and tailwinds that will shape the global economy in 2025.

More Commentaries

  • Household net worth, the value of all financial and nonfinancial assets net of all debt held by households and nonprofit organizations, reached an all-time high of $168.8 trillion in 2024Q3 (Chart 1). While GDP and its components that describe the flows of national expenditures and income receive the most attention from economic commentators and financial markets, the quarterly household net worth data collected and published by the Federal Reserve Board and Haver Analytics are nevertheless important. They are both a reflection of economic performance and a significant contributor to it.

  • The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia’s state coincident indexes continued to be soft in November. In the one-month changes, Washington (likely aided by the end of the Boeing strike) led with a .62 percent gain, and Delaware and Montana had increases above .5 percent. On the other side, 18 states had declines declined, with Maine, Michigan, and Alabama all down close to .4 percent. Over the 3 months ending in November, 10 states were down, with Massachusetts and South Carolina clocking declines of nearly .7 percent. Delaware, Connecticut, and Missouri were each up more than 1 percent, with Delaware’s 1.27 percent increase the highest. Over the last 12 months, 5 states were down, and 9 others saw increases of less than 1 percent. South Carolina’s index was off by 1.52 percent. Connecticut had a 4.6 percent increase, Arizona rose 4.54 percent and Connecticut was up 4.7 percent, with 4 others up percent or more.

    The independently estimated national estimates of growth over the last 3 months (.55 percent) and 12 months were .70 and 2.64 percent. These both appear to be roughly in line with the state numbers.

  • State real GDP growth rates in 2024:3 ranged from North Dakota’s -2.3% to Arkansas’s 6.9%. A large distribution of growth in agriculture output played an important role in distributing growth across the states, with farm losses hurting states in the Great Plains, while boosting output in some others, most notably Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, and Vermont. Growth was more evenly distributed in less agricultural states; among the largest Texas was on the high side, with a 4.2% growth rate, while New York lagged with a 1.8% figure.

    The distribution of personal income was comparable to that of GDP, with North Dakota’s -0.7% rate of decline at the bottom and Arkansas’s 5.4% on top. Again, developments on the farms contributed to the outliers. Dividends, rent, and interest fell in every state (and DC), while the dispersion in transfer income was fairly modest, though the aggregate income figures for New York, California, and Texas were all aided by faster-than average growth in this category.

  • State labor markets were little-changed in November, save for the after-effects of October disruptions. The end of the Boeing strike, and the rebound from Hurricane Milton, triggered statistically significant gains in payrolls in Washington and Florida. Alaska, DC, and Kansas also saw significant gains.

    Six states had statistically significant increases in their unemployment rates in November, and one (Delaware) showed an decline. None of the changes were larger than .2 percentage point. The highest unemployment rates were in Nevada (5.7%), DC (5.6%), California (5.4%), and Illinois (5.3%). No other state had rates as much as a point higher than the national 4.2%. Hawaii, Maine, New Hampshire, North Dakota, South Dakota, Vermont, and Wisconsin had rates of 3.0% or lower, with South Dakota at 1.9%.

    Puerto Rico’s unemployment rate was unchanged at 5.4%, while the island’s job count grew by 3,300.

  • Globalisation is not going backwards. Figure 1 is a case in point. The chart illustrates the remarkable growth in global exports. By the end of 2023, global exports had increased 459-fold compared to 1948, reaching an impressive $24 trn. The global financial crisis (GFC), the US led trade war, the pandemic, the cost-of-living crisis, China’s economic malaise and conflicts have disrupted rather changed the trend. Again while global trade-openness, calculated as the sum of global exports and imports expressed as a percentage of world GDP, has been volatile, there is no sign of trade openness reversing decisively. Global trade openness has averaged, 46% since the GFC compared with 41% in the decade prior to GFC.

  • Due to the repetitive nature of economic and financial cycles, analysts frequently encounter phases that resemble previous cycles. At the December FOMC meeting of 1999, twenty-five years ago, the Fed research staff delivered a provocative presentation, arguing that parts of the equity market (mainly tech and e-commerce) had showed characteristics of a "bubble". How might policymakers respond today if the Fed staff made a similar argument, considering the aftermath of the tech bubble burst 25 years ago and the fact that many equity price metrics now indicate even more extreme valuations?

    Will History Repeat?

    The notion that predicting an equity bubble before it collapses is impossible has been debated for a long time. Yet, in today's context, can this remain valid when there is clear evidence of fundamental valuations defying basic principles of gravity, along with cases where lower valuations were linked to a bubble?

    It's important to mention that Fed staff cautioned policymakers about an equity bubble in the late 1990s. At the December 1999 FOMC meeting, the Fed's director of research noted that "the market has defied our notion of valuation gravity by posting an appreciable further advance." The research director provided an example of a new IPO to illustrate the market's speculative nature and mentioned that analysts were disregarding fundamental analysis because the only thing that seemed to matter was "momentum." He then doubted whether an additional tightening of 75 basis points in the staff forecast would be sufficient to "halt the financial locomotive".

    From a market perspective, 2024 differs from 1999. In certain instances, equity valuations today are as high, if not higher, than they were in 1999. For instance, the S&P price-to-sales ratio is over 3 today, compared to 2 in 1999, which at that time was a record. This higher ratio indicates even greater investor optimism or exuberance, suggesting potential fundamental instability as people are paying excessively for future sales and cash flow. Although the IPO market does not exhibit the speculation seen in 1999, there are other signs of market speculation in cryptocurrency and private credit.

    Additionally, there is a significant contrast between the monetary and fiscal policies of 2024 and those of 1999. In 1999, monetary policy was being tightened, whereas recently, policymakers have reduced official rates at the last two meetings and signaled further easing. At the same time, fiscal policy was restrictive in 1999, with the US achieving a budget surplus, which stands in stark contrast to the current large budget deficit that boosts domestic spending and liquidity.

    Drawing from past experiences and research, it would not be big surprise if the Fed staff made a presentation at the December 2024 FOMC meeting similar to that of December 1999. Essentially, market speculation has reached "bubble-like" levels, skewing resource allocation, pushing the wealth-to-income ratio to unprecedented heights, and posing a major economic threat should there be a significant drop in the equity market. The main question is whether policymakers will heed this warning.

    Policymakers have consistently made official rate decisions with a focus on employment and inflation goals, often neglecting their financial stability mandate. It's no coincidence that the recessions since 2000 (excluding the pandemic-driven recession) were triggered by financial imbalances. Any decision to ease policy, or even a promise to ease later, would increase the risk of a harder landing that might be difficult to cushion, unlike in 1999 when the US operated with a fiscal surplus.

    Regardless of the actions policymakers decide on, they can no longer ignore a speculative asset price cycle like they did in December 1999. Policymakers are fully aware of the economic and financial losses that come with asset price imbalances. When the tech bubble burst three months later, the Fed spent the next three years lowering official rates to lessen the economic impact of the financial crisis. After the housing bubble burst, the process took even longer. Currently, the Fed is confronting a larger and more extensive financial bubble, with no fiscal cushion to help navigate a severe recession.

  • The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia’s state coincident indexes were again soft in October.. In the one-month changes, South Dakota led with a .67 percent gain, and Connecticut, Ohio, and Delaware had increases above .5 percent. However, the indexes for 13 states declined, with South Carolina and Michigan both down .4 percent (Michigan saw some pronounced retrenchment in autos, and South Carolina would have been hit by the Boeing strike). Over the 3 months ending in September, 12 states were down, with South Carolina (down 1.4 percent) and Massachusetts (off 1.1 percent) once again at the bottom. Connecticut was yet again at the top, with a 1.7 percent increase, with Over the last 12 months, 3 states were down, and 10 saw increases of less than 1 percent. South Carolina’s index was off by 1.2 percent. Arizona had a 4.9 percent increase, and Connecticut was up 4.7 percent, with 7 others up more than 3 percent.

    The independently estimated national estimates of growth over the last 3 months (.55 percent) and 12 months (2.55 percent) appear to be roughly in line with the state numbers.

  • State labor markets were little-changed in October. The Boeing strike, and Hurricane Milton, triggered statistically significant declines in payrolls in Washington and Florida. There were no other statistically significant changes, not even in North Carolina (which did have a insignificant drop). Nonetheless, the sum of payroll changes across the states was -76,400, a clear amount lower than the independent national change of 12,000.

    Three states had statistically significant declines in their unemployment rates in October, and one showed an increase. None of the changes were larger than .2 percentage point. The highest unemployment rates were in DC (5.7%), Nevada (5.7%), California (5.4%), and Illinois (5.3%). No other state had rates as much as a point higher than the national 4.1%. Alabama, Hawaii, Maine, Mississippi, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Dakota, South Dakota, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin had rates of 3.0% or lower, with South Dakota at 1.9%.

    Puerto Rico’s unemployment rate dropped to 5.4%--lower than both DC and Nevada, and matching California--while the island’s job count grew by 2,300.