Haver Analytics
Haver Analytics

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In 1973, matriculating from Princeton, I submitted to William Branson my senior thesis entitled “The Nature of the Phillips Curve” in which I examined the trade-off between inflation and unemployment. I’ve been fascinated with the curve ever since.

Thought on the curve has advanced over the years. Milton Friedman’s “natural rate” hypothesis became widely accepted, implying no long-run trade-off exists. Empirical representations of “sticky” prices and inflation expectations, once combined in lagged inflation rates, are now separated into a backward-looking component for sticky prices and a forward-looking component for (usually survey-based) long-term expectations. Successful monetary policy anchored inflation expectations near the Fed’s now-explicit 2% target, and with that success the slope of the curve flattened. Supply shocks, which temporarily worsen the short-run trade-off, have been added to the curve for food and energy prices, the exchange rate and, most recently, COVID-related disruptions to supply chains. But decades later, the dilemma for monetary policy presented by the Phillips Curve remains unchanged: in the short run, with expectations anchored, the Fed chooses between higher inflation or lower unemployment. The risk of choosing lower unemployment is expectations becoming unmoored, pushing inflation persistently above 2%. The risk of choosing lower inflation is recession.

Today there is a new supply shock to consider: tariffs. Approximately 10% of “core” (excluding food and energy) personal consumption expenditures (PCE) are imports: 6% directly as final consumer goods, 4% indirectly as inputs to the production of final consumer goods and services. Hence, the 10% universal tariff threatened for July by the Trump Administration, if “passed through” entirely and immediately to consumers, would add approximately 4 percentage points to the annualized rate of core PCE inflation in the third quarter of this year. My own work suggests pass-through is delayed and incomplete, with about 75% of the tariff appearing in consumer prices within one year, and 88% within two years. Still, this would be a significant inflation shock. In could be squashed by tight monetary policy, but at what cost?

Using a “modern” Phillips Curve for core PCE inflation described in 2016 by (then) Fed Chair Janet Yellen at the annual meeting of National Association for Business Economics, I explored the horns of the Fed’s current dilemma. First, I generated a baseline forecast assuming no tariffs, unemployment at 4%, and expectations at 2% (Chart 1). After 2025, baseline inflation (4-quarter percent change) fades fairly quickly to the Fed’s target. Then, I introduced a 10% tariff shock while assuming the Fed maintains unemployment at 4%, again with expectations at 2%. When the tariff is thusly “accommodated” by monetary policy, inflation remains above 3% through 2026, and above 2.5% through 2027 – high enough and for long enough to make any central banker uncomfortable. Would expectations remain anchored at 2%? Perhaps, even probably, so: they did during the much bigger COVID-era price shock.

Labour, Capital, and Energy in a Fractured World

The latest surge in US tariffs hasn’t yet shattered the global economy—but it has more openly revealed the fractures that were already there.

Long before the new wave of US protectionism, the world economy was drifting into a more fragmented, frictional phase. The free flow of goods, capital, labour, and energy—pillars of the late 20th-century global order—had been quietly eroding for years. What the tariffs have arguably done is to make the drift official. They have marked a turning point, not because they started something new, but because they confirmed that the previous global economic model was no longer sustainable.

Still, if US trade policies have clarified the direction of travel, they have also accelerated the journey toward fragmentation—often in ways that undermine the very resilience they claim to restore. By targeting countries and sectors, the US has reignited a zero-sum logic in global trade: one where national security concerns override economic efficiency, and where long-term cooperation is sacrificed for short-term leverage. This approach may score political points domestically, but it risks entrenching the same vulnerabilities it seeks to eliminate—raising input costs, disrupting investment, and pushing allies and adversaries alike toward parallel, disconnected systems.

Yet even without this protectionist turn, economic models were already under strain. The foundations of growth had begun to shift well before tariffs re-emerged as a policy tool. Labour markets were misaligned, with ageing workforces in some economies and idle potential in others. Capital was abundant but increasingly abstract—flowing into intangible assets and financial engineering rather than productive investment. Energy was no longer cheap, predictable, or apolitical. And trend productivity, which once rose smoothly on the back of scale and specialisation, had become choppy and contested.

This is the Age of Constraints—not a crisis, but a condition. A world where the fundamental factors of production no longer reinforce each other, but strain against one another. A world where efficiency is harder to come by, and where growth increasingly hinges not on accumulation, but on adaptation.

This commentary launches a three-part series exploring how these structural shifts—in labour, capital, and energy—are reshaping the world economy. In the next instalment, we’ll explore why artificial intelligence, is in fact a deeply pragmatic response to these constraints. But first, we must understand the systemic pressures that have brought us to this turning point.

But first, we need to understand just how deep the constraints run.

I. Labour: A Global Workforce Out of Balance

In the 20th century, labour was an abundant and cheap input. Factories expanded. Cities grew. Consumption soared. But in much of the world, that labour force is now shrinking—and ageing fast.

Japan’s working-age population has fallen by over 10% since 2000. • China’s population began declining in 2023, with projections pointing to a loss of 400 million people by the end of the century. • Europe and South Korea face similar demographic cliffs.

At the other end of the spectrum, Africa and South Asia are entering a demographic dividend phase. Nigeria is projected to surpass the US in population by 2050. India now has more young people than any nation on earth.

Looking a bit deeper into early April economic data, I detect some worrisome issues regarding the health of the economy. Let’s start with the April 2025 Nonfarm Employment Survey, specifically, the Manufacturing Index of Aggregate Weekly Hours for the manly guys on the factory floor. (We don’t care about the supervisors and suits in the C-suites because we know that they don’t produce things you can touch and feel.) This index of aggregate weekly hours is a proxy for output in the manufacturing sector. It represents the number of factory-floor workers times the weekly hours they toiled. This index does not take into consideration any changes in the workers’ productivity. As you can see in Chart 1, this index contracted by 5.6% annualized in April. One month does not a trend make, but …

More Commentaries

  • Who is most and least vulnerable? Least vulnerable: Russia, Brazil, Philippines, South Africa, Indonesia, India, and Malaysia. Most vulnerable: Vietnam, Taiwan, Mexico, Thailand, and the EU.

    In this analysis, we examine 16 economies—including the EU, Canada, Mexico, Japan, eight additional Asian countries, and the BRICS. Each is ranked from 1 (least vulnerable) to 16 (most vulnerable) based on four key variables:

    1. US reciprocal tariff rates 2. The US trade deficit with each country 3. Dependency on exports to the US 4. Overall economic dependency on exports

    An aggregate vulnerability score is calculated by summing the rankings across these metrics. A higher total score indicates greater vulnerability to US trade actions. Investment recommendations are drawn from both a country's exposure to US tariffs and its business cycle fundamentals. While the framework may initially appear complex, its logic becomes clearer through the analysis.

    Tariff Exposure

    Figure 1 illustrates the total tariff increases—both proposed and enacted—by the US on a country-by-country basis. This includes the reciprocal tariffs announced on April 2 and previous measures such as the 25% duties on imports from Mexico and Canada. The effective US tariff rate on imports from China now stands at a staggering 145%.

    China ranks as the most exposed (rank 16), followed by Vietnam (46% tariffs, rank 15), Thailand (37%), and Taiwan and Indonesia (32%). Russia evaded Trump's 10% global US import duty, primarily due to the existing sanctions framework. It is also likely that, in a bid to facilitate a Ukraine-Russia peace deal and negotiate a minerals agreement, Trump chose not to further antagonise Putin. Brazil and the Philippines have also seen relatively modest tariff hikes.

  • The US dollar has rapidly become the central focal point for investors grappling with the fallout from recent US trade policy shifts. As markets absorb the economic and geopolitical implications of a more confrontational US trade stance, attention has turned squarely to the dollar—not just as a barometer of financial sentiment, but as a potential transmission channel for broader global instability. Its role at the heart of the international monetary system, coupled with the scale of the US current account deficit and reliance on capital inflows, makes any significant shift in dollar dynamics a matter of systemic importance. With yield differentials, trade balances, and competitiveness all now under scrutiny, the dollar is increasingly where macro fundamentals, policy risk, and global capital flows converge.

    This shift, moreover, carries profound implications. When trade policy becomes a source of financial volatility rather than a tool for economic rebalancing, it raises the risk of destabilizing the very capital flows that sustain the US external position. As the world's primary reserve currency, the dollar is embedded in the global financial plumbing—from trade invoicing to cross-border lending and portfolio flows. Sudden policy-driven movements in the dollar can reverberate far beyond US borders, tightening financial conditions in emerging markets, disrupting asset allocation globally, and undermining confidence in the predictability of the international monetary system. In this context, US trade wars are no longer just bilateral disputes—they are global macro events, with the dollar serving as the principal shock absorber.

    Historically, the dollar has moved closely with interest rate spreads, as yield-seeking capital flowed into US assets. But the April US tariff actions—the dollar has weakened markedly even as the yield spread between the US and Germany has widened – see first chart below. This decoupling underscores a critical shift: capital markets are reacting not just to monetary policy, but to rising trade and geopolitical uncertainty. In other words, the exchange rate is now being driven as much by risk sentiment as by interest rate arbitrage.

  • USA
    | Apr 30 2025

    Good Bye Mr. CHIPS?

    The CHIPS (Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors) Act was signed into federal law on August 9, 2022. The CHIPS Act provides various subsidies for the production of semiconductors in the US. Semiconductors are an integral component in numerous kinds of equipment, including defense equipment. A major impetus for passing the CHIPS Act was national security.

    The encouragement of domestic semiconductor production seems to be coming to fruition. In the advance estimate of Q1:2025 real GDP, released on April 30, 2025, the annualized change in the production of real information processing equipment skyrocketed to 69.3%, as shown in Chart 1.

  • The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia’s state coincident indexes in March were a touch firmer than in February, but not robust. In the one-month changes, West Virginia was on top with a .77 percent gain, while South Dakota, Indiana, Montana, and South Carolina were also up more than .5 percent. Nine states were down, with Connecticut’s .23 percent drop being the largest. Over the three months ending in March, five states were down, with Massachusetts off .48 percent (Connecticut and Rhode Island also showed declines, obviously suggesting some softness in southern New England). West Virginia was up 2.06 percent, and South Carolina, Montana, Indiana, and South Dakota also rising more than 1 percent. Over the last twelve months, Iowa and Michigan were down, and twelve others saw increases of less than one percent. No state had an increase higher than four percent, and only four were at or higher than three percent. Utah’s index rose 3.33 percent, while Michigan was down 1.48 percent.

    The independently estimated national estimates of growth over the last three and twelve months were, respectively, .61 and 2.44 percent. Both measures appear to be a bit weaker than the state numbers.

  • March was another month of little change in state labor markets. The sum of payroll changes among the states was close to the national result, and revisions eliminated most of the gap initially seen for February. Six states saw statistically significant gains in jobs in March, with Pennsylvania increasing by 20,900 and Missouri up .5% (Texas reported a larger, not statistically significant, gain than Pennsylvania). A few states had insignificant declines.

    Three states (Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Virginia) had statistically significant changes in their unemployment rates, with Connecticut’s .2 percentage point rise being the larges. Indiana reported a significant .2 percentage point drop. The highest unemployment rates were in Nevada (5.7%), DC (5.6%), Michigan (5.5%) California (5.3%), and Kentucky 5.2). Hawaii, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Vermont had unemployment rates under 3.0%, while South Dakota’s 1.8% was yet again the lowest in the nation.

    Puerto Rico’s unemployment rate was unchanged at 5.3% and the island’s job count moved up by 800.

  • The decline of US manufacturing and the rise of Chinese manufacturing has preoccupied policymakers over the past 25 years. It has resulted in the latest effort to use tariffs to try to drive domestic and foreign manufacturers back to the United States and limit trade disparities with China. This idea of bringing back manufacturing to the US is so ingrained in people’s thinking that it almost seems odd to question if that is a goal the US should pursue.

    The facts are clear: Employment in the US manufacturing sector from 1965 to 2000 was fairly stable in a range between 17 million and 19 million. However, there was an abrupt shift away from manufacturing in the early 2000s, to a new lower range of 11.5 million to 13 million, which was nearly a 6 million decline, or 33 percent (see chart 1).

  • The current moment in global economic policymaking is marked less by direction than by dissonance. Nowhere is this more evident than in the US, where the return to tariff-based policy in early 2025 has underscored the contradictions at the heart of its economic agenda. Yet just as markets and policymakers began to absorb the implications of a more protectionist stance, Washington has partially reversed course—modifying or delaying some of the proposed measures. However, this retreat, rather than offering clarity, has only deepened global uncertainty, complicating the outlook for inflation, growth, and international cooperation.

    Forecasts reflect this disorientation. Across major economies, expectations for GDP growth in 2025 have been revised downward in recent months, while inflation projections have edged higher (charts 1 and 2). This divergence—a hallmark of stagflation risk—signals a world in which economic constraints are no longer primarily demand-driven, but stem from structural disruptions to supply and trade flows. While not yet systemic, this shift poses mounting challenges for policymakers.

  • The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia’s state coincident indexes in February were similar to January, generally on the soft side in January. In the one-month changes, West Virginia led with a .62 percent gain, with no other state up as much as .5 percent. Nine states were down, with Washington’s .2 percent drop being the largest. Over the three months ending in February, four states were down, all by small amounts West Virginia and South Carolina were the only states seeing gains above 1 percent. Over the last twelve months, three states were down, and twelve others saw increases of less than one percent. No state had an increase higher than four percent, and only two were higher than three percent. Utah’s index rose 3.32 percent, while Michigan was down 1.64 percent.

    The independently estimated national estimates of growth over the last three and twelve months were, respectively, .81 and 2.51 percent. Both measures appear to be somewhat stronger than the state numbers. These indexes are very dependent on payroll employment numbers, and in both January and February the sum of state payroll employment changes was less than the national figure.