Haver Analytics
Haver Analytics

Viewpoints

Europe recovery to continue

The euro area’s economic performance in 2025 has been uneven. The year began on solid footing, with GDP expanding by 0.6% QoQ in Q1, only to lose momentum in Q2 as growth slowed sharply to 0.1% QoQ, with output contracting in both Germany and Italy. This slowdown coincided with the peak of the U.S.-led trade war, which weighed heavily on net exports after their strong rebound earlier in the year.

Despite the softer second quarter, Europe’s business cycle upswing remains intact. As shown in Figure 1, the average return on equity for listed European firms moderated in the first half of the year compared with the same period in 2024. Yet the corporate profit cycle, which began in 2021, continues to advance. Key indicators—EBITDA, free cash flow, and retained earnings—remain well above pre-pandemic averages. Although earnings per share and cash flow softened slightly in 1H25, corporate balance sheets remain healthy and capable of supporting further investment in production capacity and employment.

From January to August the average tariff rate on all imported goods increased 9 percentage points, from 2.3% to 11.3%, while the price of those imports, recorded by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) excluding tariffs, was essentially unchanged. Hence, the price of imports, including tariffs, rose 1.113/1.023 - 1 = 8.5%, reflecting the full amount of the increase in tariffs (Chart 1, solid lines). This suggests the cost of the tariffs has been borne entirely by American businesses and consumers, with none of that cost passed backwards to foreign suppliers.

State real GDP growth rates in 2025:2 ranged from -1.1% in Arkansas (Mississippi fell at a 0.9% rate) to 7.3% in North Dakota. States in the Plains benefited from a turnaround in farm output after declines in the first quarter, and there were also increases in mining output in some of those. Arkansas and Mississippi were dragged down by losses in farm output. Strong increases in finance and information helped boost growth in states such as California, New York, and Massachusetts.

Personal income growth rates ranged from 10.4% in Kansas to 0.9% in Arkansas. In the majority of states, perhaps most notably Massachusetts, increases in transfer payments significantly swelled the income gains related to state GDP growth. Much of the transfer growth reflected the recent retroactive payments to some Social Security beneficiaries.

This release also included estimates of consumer spending by state for 2024. Given the marked lag in the release of these numbers, and their annual frequency, they are likely not of much interest in assessing current and perspective conditions, either for the nation as a whole or for individual states, though they may be of help in modeling state revenues.

More Commentaries

  • The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia’s state coincident indexes in August were on the soft side, but a touch better than the initial July results. In the one-month changes, while four states (Kentucky, Rhode Island, Colorado and Alabama) had increases above .50 percent, seven were down. Over the three months ending in August, Alabama was on top, with two other states (Kentucky and Colorado) also seeing increases above one percent. Five states saw declines, with Maryland down .60 percent. Over the last twelve months, Iowa was down, and four others saw increases of less than one percent. Alabama was the only state with an increase higher than four percent (Idaho was up 3.62 percent), and eight others were at or higher than three percent.

    The independently estimated national estimates of growth over the last three and twelve months were, respectively, .38 and 2.25 percent. Both measures appear to be a bit lower than what the state numbers would have suggested.

  • The AI boom has revived the old promise that a wave of general-purpose technology will lift labour productivity everywhere. But sector mix matters. The chart below shows where recent job growth has actually happened: healthcare and social care. Since end-2023, employment in that sector has grown 3–4x faster than overall payrolls in the US, UK and Japan, pushing healthcare’s share of total jobs toward 14–15%. The euro area has been softer, but the direction is similar. Ageing populations and long-COVID backlogs are doing the heavy lifting. But the composition effect is awkward for macro optimists: healthcare is labour-intensive, highly regulated and only partly tradable—characteristics that usually come with lower measured productivity growth.

  • State labor markets were little-changed in August. Utah saw a statistically significant increase in payrolls and DC saw a drop. No other state had a significant change.

    The unemployment rose a significant .2 percentage points in Delaware and Maryland, while increasing .1 percentage point in Minnesota. Colorado’s rate fell .3 percentage point, and Alabama was down .1.California. The highest unemployment rates were in DC (6.0%), California (5.5%), Nevada (5.4%), Michigan (5.2%), New Jersey, Ohio, and Oregon (all 5.0%). Alabama, Hawaii, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Vermont had unemployment rates under 3.0%, while South Dakota’s 1.9% was the lowest in the nation.

    Puerto Rico’s unemployment rate edged up to 5.6% and the island’s job count rose 3,100.

  • At the start of the year, the consensus view was grim: the US-led world economy was heading into recession, inflation would spiral out of control, and global trade faced collapse. Yet, none of this has come to pass. Business-cycle indicators still show resilience, and neither a global trade downturn nor sustained inflationary pressure has materialised.

    Global Exports: Resilient Despite Tariffs

    The trade war has been disruptive but not disastrous. In the US, GDP contracted in the first quarter, largely because of a sharp rise in imports as manufacturers front-loaded inventories ahead of tariff deadlines. By the second quarter, domestic demand shrank 0.4% quarter-on-quarter as inventories slumped. Exports and residential investment declined, but consumer spending actually strengthened—hardly evidence of households buckling under tariff pressure.

    The labour market has softened but isn’t collapsing. Unemployment at 4.3% is still below the pre-pandemic average of 5.1%, while August retail sales rose a brisk 5% year-on-year.

    Surprisingly, the trade war’s impact on global trade has been modest. World exports dipped 6.5% from late 2024 to February 2025, only to rebound 13%, leaving shipments up nearly 6% year-to-date through May (Figure 1). The sharpest weakness came in April and May, immediately after tariff hikes, but the recovery was swift.

    By comparison, past crises inflicted far greater damage. During the Global Financial Crisis, global exports collapsed by 47% in just eight months. Between 2014 and 2016, shipments fell 28% amid crashing commodity prices, a slowing China, and a strong US dollar. The pandemic caused a 33% peak-to-trough fall when economies shut down worldwide. Against this backdrop, the current downturn appears relatively mild.

  • Chart 1 shows that no matter how you slice it and dice it, consumer price inflation is trending higher. In the three months ended August 2025, the annualized rate of consumer inflation has ranged from 3.3% (FRB Cleveland 16% Trimmed Mean) to 3.65% (CPI excluding food and energy components). Again, consumer inflation is trending higher.

  • The Case Shiller Home Price Index fell 0.3% in June, its 4th consecutive monthly decline, lowering its yr/yr increase to 1.9% from 6.6% in February 2024 (Charts 1 and 2).

    The flattening of home prices reflects slower demand for home sales and a moderation of transactions. This has resulted from the surge in home prices--the Case Shiller Home Price Index surged 38.9% from mid-2020-mid-2022 and until recently it has continued to rise--combined with higher mortgage rates. The home affordability index hovers near an all-time high. The current fundamentals in housing suggest that the Case Shiller Home Price Index will continue to be flat-to-down in the next year.

    The recent consecutive monthly declines in home prices have potentially important implications for overall inflation. Rental costs and OER (Owners’ equivalent rent of residences) are the largest combined components of the CPI and PCE Price Index. OER and rental costs comprise 33.6% of the CPI (OER, 26.2%; rental costs, 7.4%) and somewhat less in the PCE price index. PCE inflation (the PCE inflation reflects the prices of all goods and services consumed, while the CPI excludes consumption that is financed by third party payers, including Medicare, Medicaid and employer-financed health insurance), which results in a higher weight for health care costs and a lower weight for the shelter components.

    Through July, rental costs were up 3.5% yr/yr, down from 5.1% a year earlier and OER is up 4.0% yr/yr, down from 5.3% yr/yr. (Chart 3). Both OER and rental costs are derived by the Bureau of Labor Statistics from the trend in home values. A historical note: prior to May 1983, the CPI included direct measures of mortgage rates. This measurement presumed that homeowners bought their homes at current mortgage rates each month. Beginning win May 1983, the BLS shifted its measure of inflation and replaced the mortgage rate with measures of OER and rental costs. Since then, there have been modest modifications.

    Model-based predictions of rental costs and OER. By summer 2021, the Fed had lowered rates to zero and engaged in massive purchases of Treasuries and MBS, and the government had increased deficit spending by a whopping 25% of GDP. Inflation had just begun to accelerate, and Case Shiller Home Price index was soaring. Along with my former colleague Mahmoud AbuGhzalah, I estimated a model that predicted changes of OER and rental costs based on the Case Shiller Hole Price Index. The model proved prescient, as described below. Based on that model, I now predict the OER + rental costs will continue to moderate sharply in the next year to yr/yr increases close to one-half their current pace. And if the Case Shiller Home Price Index continues to be flat-to-down a touch—which seems likely based on their current lofty prices and soft housing demand, the monthly changes in rental costs and OER will subtract from inflation, and their yr/yr increases will head toward zero in 2027.
    Our model was a VAR (vector auto regression) with three variables, the Case Shiller Home Price Index, rental costs and OER in which all variables are regressed on their lagged values. This allows the model to estimate the impacts of a shock to one of the variables. Most importantly, it estimates the lagged impacts of a change in the Case Shiller Home Price Index on OER and rental costs. We estimated the model using monthly data going back to 1983 when the BLS changed its method of calculating the CPI to include OER and rental costs.

    The model provided a robust statistic fit, with percentage changes in OER and rental costs optimally following the Case Shiller Home Price Index by 12 months and more. In Summer 2021, the model predicted that OER and rental costs, which at the time were rising 3.25%-3.5% yr/yr, would soar and contribute to very high inflation. That’s exactly what happened. This increase in housing inflation somehow came as a surprise to the Fed. When inflation and the shelter component soared in the second half of 2021 and 2022, the Fed began measuring inflation excluding this important sector. When OER and rental cost increases reached 7.5% while the increases in Case Shiller had begun to ebb, we re-estimated the model and it predicted OER and rental costs would recede. They did.

    The four recent consecutive monthly declines in Case Shiller (April-July 2025, when its monthly change averaged -0.3%) and its rapidly declining yr/yr increases now predict a continued deceleration in OER and rental costs. Based on the moderating increases of the Case Shiller Home Price Index to date, the monthly and yr/yr increases in OER and rental costs should continue to decelerate significantly further, and subtract from inflation. I expect the Case Shiller index to remain negative to flat for many months to come, and for its yr/yr to eventually decline toward zero. This will contribute to lower inflation, more so in the CPI than the PCE, and will likely be reflected in lower inflationary expectations. As that unfolds, the Fed can be expected to drop its measure of inflation that excludes the housing component.

  • USA
    | Aug 27 2025

    Holy Rate Cut Batman...

    ...was the reaction in financial markets after the latest employment report showed that, including revisions, growth of establishment employment slowed to a crawl over the last three months. Investors, who before that report were convinced the Fed will maintain its policy rate in the range of 4¼% - 4½% at the September meeting of the FOMC, are now equally convinced the Committee will cut the rate by ¼ percentage point, a shift in sentiment re-enforced by dovish remarks delivered by Chair Powell at the Fed’s annual shindig in Jackson Hole.

    While not religious about it, I do find the Taylor rule a useful framework for contemplating the short-run dilemma facing the Fed as it attempts to satisfy the dual mandate of low inflation and high employment. For a given “neutral” real (i.e., inflation-adjusted) federal funds rate – today we call it real “r-star” – the original rule showed the Fed: (1) raising (lowering) the nominal policy rate by 50 basis points for each percentage point that real GDP exceeds (falls short of) potential GDP; (2) raising (lowering) the policy rate by 150 basis points for each percentage point that inflation exceeds (falls short of) 2%. The value of real r-star itself is not observed directly, only inferred from empirical models. However, the Fed’s Summary of Economic Projections (SEP) reveals policymakers’ views on the matter. For example, the June SEP shows, in the long-run, inflation of 2% and a nominal funds rate of 3%, implying a value of real r-star of 1% - unchanged from December’s SEP.

    Another familiar rule in macro is Okun’s law relating changes in the unemployment gap to changes in the output gap. Using a typical textbook version of Okun’s law, the Taylor rule can be restated to show the Fed lowering (raising) the funds rate by 100 basis points for every percentage point that the unemployment rate exceeds (falls short of) the full-employment rate. The current unemployment rate is 4.2%, slightly below CBO’s estimate (= 4.3%) of the “non-cyclical” unemployment rate, while the 12-month change in the core PCE price index is 2.8%. If real r-star is 1%, then current values of the unemployment rate and inflation imply an appropriate policy rate of 4.3%, exactly equal to the funds rate in July.

    From this perspective the Fed should be in no hurry to ease policy and, by cutting rates, risks perpetuating inflation above the 2% objective. The argument for a rate cut is that continued slow growth of employment will soon lead to rising unemployment that, through the Phillips Curve, will reduce inflation risks associated with a one-off increase in tariffs, allowing the Fed preemptively to shift its focus to the employment half of the dual mandate.

    This is a demand-side narrative that may prove out, but there is a supply-side story to tell here as well. With each employment report the BLS publishes monthly data on the labor force that tautologically is the product of population and the labor force participation rate. In Chart 1, the orange line depicts the recent 12-month percent change of this series. Unfortunately, it is contaminated by “population controls” introduced by the BLS each January. Fortunately, the BLS publishes alternative monthly estimates of employment by age and gender that smooth through the population controls. By multiplying the reported participation rate into this alternative series for population, I calculated a smoother version of the labor force (blue line). Over the last year, but especially in 2025, its growth has slowed from 1½% to zero as the participation rate has fallen, especially among foreign-born workers – the consequence of fear engendered by the Trump Administration’s policies on immigration. And this surely understates the actual deceleration in the labor force because estimates of recent population growth do not yet reflect the sharp reduction in immigration – especially border crossings - over the last year.

    Why does this matter? Firstly, addressing the current clamor for a rate cut: growth of employment that is lethargic because it is constrained by slow secular growth of the labor force does not necessarily imply a cyclical rise in unemployment requiring rate cuts under the Taylor rule. Indeed, along a steady-state path with no growth in the labor force, I would expect monthly changes of employment to be zero with a constant unemployment rate. Secondly, however, it is standard macro that, all else equal, slower growth of the labor force is associated with a lower equilibrium real interest rate – i.e., a lower real r-star. The logic is that a deceleration in the labor force results in a relative excess of capital the puts downward pressure on the rate of return.

    To get an empirical feel for this I fired up my macro system - which, on its supply side, is a Solow growth model – and calibrated it to the current economy assuming the real r-star of 1% shown in the recent SEPs. Then I reduced the annual growth rate of the labor force to zero from a baseline value of 0.7% (the most recent 10-year average) and held it there through 2028 before allowing a gradual recovery. With the Taylor rule maintaining the economy close to full employment, the system kicks out the inferred change in the real r-star. The results of this experiment are shown in Chart 2. They show the deceleration in the labor force is associated with a decline in real r-star that averages about ¼ percentage point through 2028. This could justify the Fed cutting the nominal policy rate even with the economy near full employment and inflation running above target.

    None of this is precise. There are unobservable considerations and ceteris that may not be paribus. While in the minority, there are Fed watchers worried that by cutting rates now, the FOMC may validate inflation above 2%. It is a legitimate concern but, thinking about it from a supply-side perspective on the economy, I find that risk a little less concerning.

  • The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia’s state coincident indexes in July continued their recent mediocre performance. In the one-month changes, while Alabama was up .88 percent, no other state had an increase as large as .5 percent, and ten saw declines, with Minnesota off .49 percent. Over the three months ending in July, Alabama was again on top in economic performance, as well as alphabetically, with an increase of 1.39 percent. While seven other states had gains of at least 1 percent, eight were down, with, as was the case for the one-month changes, Minnesota at the bottom , with a loss of .49 percent. Over the last twelve months, Massachusetts and Iowa were down, and five others saw increases of less than one percent. South Carolina was again the only state with an increase higher than four percent (Idaho was up 3.62 percent), and five others were at or higher than three percent.

    The independently estimated national estimates of growth over the last three and twelve months were, respectively, .47 and 2.36 percent. Both measures appear to be a bit lower than what the state numbers would have suggested.